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The History of Money ペーパーバック – 1998/3/10
英語版
Jack Weatherford
(著)
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“If you’re interested in the revolutionary transformation of the meaning and use of money, this is the book to read!”—Charles R. Schwab
Cultural anthropologist Jack Weatherford traces our relationship with money, from primitive man’s cowrie shells to the electronic cash card, from the markets of Timbuktu to the New York Stock Exchange. The History of Money explores how money and the myriad forms of exchange have affected humanity, and how they will continue to shape all aspects of our lives—economic, political, and personal.
“A fascinating book about the force that makes the world go round—the dollars, pounds, francs, marks, bahts, ringits, kwansas, levs, biplwelles, yuans, quetzales, pa’angas, ngultrums, ouguiyas, and other 200-odd brand names that collectively make up the mysterious thing we call money.”—Los Angeles Times
Cultural anthropologist Jack Weatherford traces our relationship with money, from primitive man’s cowrie shells to the electronic cash card, from the markets of Timbuktu to the New York Stock Exchange. The History of Money explores how money and the myriad forms of exchange have affected humanity, and how they will continue to shape all aspects of our lives—economic, political, and personal.
“A fascinating book about the force that makes the world go round—the dollars, pounds, francs, marks, bahts, ringits, kwansas, levs, biplwelles, yuans, quetzales, pa’angas, ngultrums, ouguiyas, and other 200-odd brand names that collectively make up the mysterious thing we call money.”—Los Angeles Times
- 本の長さ304ページ
- 言語英語
- 出版社Crown Currency
- 発売日1998/3/10
- 寸法13.21 x 1.78 x 20.22 cm
- ISBN-100609801724
- ISBN-13978-0609801727
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Introduction
The World Market
A young mother, barefoot and bare-breasted hurries out of a mud hut with her nursing baby tied loosely at her side in a cloth sling and with six eggs floating in a bowl of milk balanced delicately on her head. Even though the sun has not yet broken over the horizon, sweat ripples across her face and drips from the gold ring piercing the middle of her lower lip. From the ring, the sweat drips down her chest and rolls across the decorative scars that glisten on her stomach.One morning in every five, she arises before dawn to begin the eleven-mile trek from her village of Kani Kombole in the West African country of Mali to the town of Bandiagara, where a market is held every five days. She hurries out of the family compound to join her sisters, her female cousins, and the other village women who have already begun the slow climb up the cliff that contains the tombs of their ancestors and that forms part of the Bandiagara Escarpment, a rise of some 1,500 feet to the plateau above.
As the panting women slowly climb the rocky face of the escarpment, the mud and thatch huts gradually recede from view until they appear to be nothing more than sand castles on a beach. In the heat, the two-and three-story huts, the rickety corncribs, and the goat pens seem to melt in the first rays of the penetrating tropical sun. The women march for nearly three hours. They carry their nursing infants with them, but must leave behind the heavier children who are too young to make the arduous journey on their own. On her head or back, each woman carries something to sell in the marketplace—a bag of tomatoes, a bunch of small onions, a bowl of chilies, or a sack of sweet potatoes. Flies buzz around them constantly, attracted by the moving feast of fresh foods. Occasionally, the women stop to rest on some large rocks in the shade of a lonely and misshapen baobab tree in an otherwise austere landscape. They take small sips from the milk bowl, but they cannot rest for long. Pestered by the growing swarm of insects and always in a hurry to get to market before their customers arrive and before the heat of the sun peaks, the women push solemnly ahead.
A short distance ahead of the women, a small caravan of men marches with donkeys piled so high with millet that they look like parading haystacks. Even though all of the travelers come from the same village and often from the same families, the men and women travel in separate groups on their separate missions.
On the other side of the world in an apartment building on the Upper West Side of Manhattan, a young man clutching a new leather briefcase given to him as a graduation gift waits for an elevator. Dressed in a gray suit, gym shoes, and a raincoat, but without a tie, he steps into the elevator, which is already crowded. With a silent nod, the young man puts the briefcase between his knees and awkwardly ties his floral-print silk tie without elbowing his neighbors. As he leaves the building and moves onto the sidewalk, he joins a rapidly moving column of people from adjoining buildings headed for the subway where they join even more people pressed together in the cars that carry them south to the Financial District at the southern tip of the island. After emerging from the subway, the man pauses to buy a sesame bagel, which he plunges into his pocket, and a paper cup filled with fresh-roasted Ethiopian-blend coffee, which he sips through a hole in the plastic lid. Five days a week he makes the same commute from his apartment building to the New York Stock Exchange, situated among some of the tallest skyscrapers in the world.
The town of Bandiagara, Mali, lies in the Sahel, the borderland between the southern Sahara and the thick rain forest along the West African coast. Once in the market, the women of Kani Kombole go their separate ways. One takes her onions to the onion truck where the buyer will transport them to the city. Those with tomatoes spread out their sashes on the ground and arrange their produce on them, protecting their goods from the sun under small canopies of thinly plaited straw on gnarly sticks. The woman who had balanced the milk and eggs on her head takes her load to the dairy area, where she displays the eggs in a small gourd next to the larger bowl of milk. Once she has sold her goods to townspeople or traveling wholesalers, the village woman might buy a plastic pail, some tobacco, a block of salt, a few cups of sugar, or some other luxury goods to take home with her. The food, however, is for the townspeople to buy, not her. The few overripe bananas from the coast, the dried dates brought in from an oasis in the Sahara, and the expensive oranges from the coastal farms cost more than the whole load of vegetables or milk that she was able to bring to market.
Except in the Muslim communities where almost all public activities fall into the domain of males, women operate and manage the markets throughout West Africa. The women carry the produce to and from the market, and they negotiate the buying and selling. Most of the people who come to the market as buyers or sellers are women. Although men may wander through on a specific mission, the interactive style of the market is female and based largely around enduring ties of kinship, friendship, and personal knowledge of one another.
Despite their illiteracy and complete lack of formal education, most of the women in the marketplace at Bandiagara can negotiate, buy, and sell with great facility. They barter produce for produce, will accept payment in coins and paper money—often in several different currencies—and can make change. Even though they cannot read the words on the money, they recognize the value of the different bills primarily by their color, shape, size, and the images on them. Because transactions are made publicly in front of a line of other attentive women, the marketplace abounds in advice and help in each transaction to make sure that it proceeds according to tradition. Women bargain and barter often without even sharing a common language. All they need is a couple of words and a set of hand gestures to signify the numbers. A clenched fist means five; a hand clap signifies ten.
The milk seller’s primary competitors in Bandiagara are not other women like her in the neighborhood; they are the dairy farmers of Wisconsin, New Zealand, and the Netherlands. The imported milk is condensed, canned, and distributed free in the poor countries of Africa. Although clearly marked “not for sale” in English, it persistently shows up for sale in the stall immediately next to the young mother from Kani Kombole. The amount of canned milk for sale depends in part on economic conditions in North America, Europe, and the South Pacific. It depends on how much milk Nestlé, Hershey, or relative to the French franc, to which the West African franc of Mali is tied. It depends on how hot the summer is and how much ice cream people eat; it depends on the world’s annual yield of soybeans, one of the major competitors of milk products. The amount of canned milk for sale in Bandiagara in any given month also depends on the dairy subsidies and the foreign aid appropriations made by the U.S. Congress in Washington, D.C.; the food policies of the United Nations high commissioner for refugees in Geneva and the European Common Market headquartered in Brussels; and the mercurial aid programs of religious and other private charitable organizations around the world.
When there is an abundance of donated milk on the Bandiagara market, the young mother is less likely to sell her fresh milk. When the cans of milk disappear, she will earn more money and will be able to take home more goods that day. Her eggs provide a small financial cushion that help to stabilize her income somewhat, since foreign food programs frequently donate milk products but rarely send eggs abroad. She can usually sell the eggs, even on days when she and her family drink the bowl of unsold milk rather than carry it all the way back to Kani Kombole.
The World Market
A young mother, barefoot and bare-breasted hurries out of a mud hut with her nursing baby tied loosely at her side in a cloth sling and with six eggs floating in a bowl of milk balanced delicately on her head. Even though the sun has not yet broken over the horizon, sweat ripples across her face and drips from the gold ring piercing the middle of her lower lip. From the ring, the sweat drips down her chest and rolls across the decorative scars that glisten on her stomach.One morning in every five, she arises before dawn to begin the eleven-mile trek from her village of Kani Kombole in the West African country of Mali to the town of Bandiagara, where a market is held every five days. She hurries out of the family compound to join her sisters, her female cousins, and the other village women who have already begun the slow climb up the cliff that contains the tombs of their ancestors and that forms part of the Bandiagara Escarpment, a rise of some 1,500 feet to the plateau above.
As the panting women slowly climb the rocky face of the escarpment, the mud and thatch huts gradually recede from view until they appear to be nothing more than sand castles on a beach. In the heat, the two-and three-story huts, the rickety corncribs, and the goat pens seem to melt in the first rays of the penetrating tropical sun. The women march for nearly three hours. They carry their nursing infants with them, but must leave behind the heavier children who are too young to make the arduous journey on their own. On her head or back, each woman carries something to sell in the marketplace—a bag of tomatoes, a bunch of small onions, a bowl of chilies, or a sack of sweet potatoes. Flies buzz around them constantly, attracted by the moving feast of fresh foods. Occasionally, the women stop to rest on some large rocks in the shade of a lonely and misshapen baobab tree in an otherwise austere landscape. They take small sips from the milk bowl, but they cannot rest for long. Pestered by the growing swarm of insects and always in a hurry to get to market before their customers arrive and before the heat of the sun peaks, the women push solemnly ahead.
A short distance ahead of the women, a small caravan of men marches with donkeys piled so high with millet that they look like parading haystacks. Even though all of the travelers come from the same village and often from the same families, the men and women travel in separate groups on their separate missions.
On the other side of the world in an apartment building on the Upper West Side of Manhattan, a young man clutching a new leather briefcase given to him as a graduation gift waits for an elevator. Dressed in a gray suit, gym shoes, and a raincoat, but without a tie, he steps into the elevator, which is already crowded. With a silent nod, the young man puts the briefcase between his knees and awkwardly ties his floral-print silk tie without elbowing his neighbors. As he leaves the building and moves onto the sidewalk, he joins a rapidly moving column of people from adjoining buildings headed for the subway where they join even more people pressed together in the cars that carry them south to the Financial District at the southern tip of the island. After emerging from the subway, the man pauses to buy a sesame bagel, which he plunges into his pocket, and a paper cup filled with fresh-roasted Ethiopian-blend coffee, which he sips through a hole in the plastic lid. Five days a week he makes the same commute from his apartment building to the New York Stock Exchange, situated among some of the tallest skyscrapers in the world.
The town of Bandiagara, Mali, lies in the Sahel, the borderland between the southern Sahara and the thick rain forest along the West African coast. Once in the market, the women of Kani Kombole go their separate ways. One takes her onions to the onion truck where the buyer will transport them to the city. Those with tomatoes spread out their sashes on the ground and arrange their produce on them, protecting their goods from the sun under small canopies of thinly plaited straw on gnarly sticks. The woman who had balanced the milk and eggs on her head takes her load to the dairy area, where she displays the eggs in a small gourd next to the larger bowl of milk. Once she has sold her goods to townspeople or traveling wholesalers, the village woman might buy a plastic pail, some tobacco, a block of salt, a few cups of sugar, or some other luxury goods to take home with her. The food, however, is for the townspeople to buy, not her. The few overripe bananas from the coast, the dried dates brought in from an oasis in the Sahara, and the expensive oranges from the coastal farms cost more than the whole load of vegetables or milk that she was able to bring to market.
Except in the Muslim communities where almost all public activities fall into the domain of males, women operate and manage the markets throughout West Africa. The women carry the produce to and from the market, and they negotiate the buying and selling. Most of the people who come to the market as buyers or sellers are women. Although men may wander through on a specific mission, the interactive style of the market is female and based largely around enduring ties of kinship, friendship, and personal knowledge of one another.
Despite their illiteracy and complete lack of formal education, most of the women in the marketplace at Bandiagara can negotiate, buy, and sell with great facility. They barter produce for produce, will accept payment in coins and paper money—often in several different currencies—and can make change. Even though they cannot read the words on the money, they recognize the value of the different bills primarily by their color, shape, size, and the images on them. Because transactions are made publicly in front of a line of other attentive women, the marketplace abounds in advice and help in each transaction to make sure that it proceeds according to tradition. Women bargain and barter often without even sharing a common language. All they need is a couple of words and a set of hand gestures to signify the numbers. A clenched fist means five; a hand clap signifies ten.
The milk seller’s primary competitors in Bandiagara are not other women like her in the neighborhood; they are the dairy farmers of Wisconsin, New Zealand, and the Netherlands. The imported milk is condensed, canned, and distributed free in the poor countries of Africa. Although clearly marked “not for sale” in English, it persistently shows up for sale in the stall immediately next to the young mother from Kani Kombole. The amount of canned milk for sale depends in part on economic conditions in North America, Europe, and the South Pacific. It depends on how much milk Nestlé, Hershey, or relative to the French franc, to which the West African franc of Mali is tied. It depends on how hot the summer is and how much ice cream people eat; it depends on the world’s annual yield of soybeans, one of the major competitors of milk products. The amount of canned milk for sale in Bandiagara in any given month also depends on the dairy subsidies and the foreign aid appropriations made by the U.S. Congress in Washington, D.C.; the food policies of the United Nations high commissioner for refugees in Geneva and the European Common Market headquartered in Brussels; and the mercurial aid programs of religious and other private charitable organizations around the world.
When there is an abundance of donated milk on the Bandiagara market, the young mother is less likely to sell her fresh milk. When the cans of milk disappear, she will earn more money and will be able to take home more goods that day. Her eggs provide a small financial cushion that help to stabilize her income somewhat, since foreign food programs frequently donate milk products but rarely send eggs abroad. She can usually sell the eggs, even on days when she and her family drink the bowl of unsold milk rather than carry it all the way back to Kani Kombole.
著者について
Jack Weatherford is the New York Times bestselling author of Genghis Khan and the Making of the Modern World, Indian Givers: How the Indians of the Americas Transformed the World, The Secret History of the Mongol Queens, and The History of Money, among other acclaimed books. A specialist in tribal peoples, he was for many years a professor of anthropology at Macalester College in Minnesota and now divides his time between the United States and Mongolia.
登録情報
- 出版社 : Crown Currency; Reprint版 (1998/3/10)
- 発売日 : 1998/3/10
- 言語 : 英語
- ペーパーバック : 304ページ
- ISBN-10 : 0609801724
- ISBN-13 : 978-0609801727
- 寸法 : 13.21 x 1.78 x 20.22 cm
- Amazon 売れ筋ランキング: - 222,825位洋書 (洋書の売れ筋ランキングを見る)
- - 215位Accounting
- - 286位Money & Monetary Policy
- - 704位Accounting & Finance Economics
- カスタマーレビュー:
著者について
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Harmegnies
5つ星のうち5.0
parfait
2023年9月4日にベルギーでレビュー済みAmazonで購入
correspond à mes attentes, merci

Charles W. Cotton
5つ星のうち5.0
Money
2020年11月27日にアメリカ合衆国でレビュー済みAmazonで購入
“The History of Money” by Jack Weatherford, Three Rivers Press, New York, 1997
1. Is a good introductory history. If you are serious about “money” do not let this be the last book you read. But if you are serious about money, this book is a fun easy read.
2. Most of the book traces a path that is familiar to economic historians. I did like some of the details he provided about things like Croesus, who minted the first coinage, and Arab traders in China, who deposited their gold in return for official receipts that functioned like bearer notes.
3. He might have expanded his treatment of renaissance banking and the emergence of fractional reserve banking considering the interrelationship of money to banking and banking to debt.
4. His chapter on the Spanish gold based inflation might have served as a cautionary tale for those enamored of a commodity based currency or bullionism.
5. His tales of the hyperinflation caused by irresponsible government printing of currency is an often told story. (In contrast the US mint sells currency to banks.)
6. I wish he had spent more space on Bretton Woods, considering the role that it plays in money today.
7. I would recommend his chapter on the “Cash Ghetto” to anyone, regardless of their interest in economics who is concerned about poverty.
8. Weatherford devotes the end of the book to “Electronic Money” where he observes that, “Rather than being the means for the market, money has become the market.” (page 290)
9. It was amusing to read, “The proponents of the so-called smart card hope that it will replace many of the routine cash payments that people make every day.” (page 238) Since the book was written in 1997, I wonder what Weatherford would say today.
10. I would like to have seen his treatment of the financial meltdown in 2008.
11. One thing that Weatherford can’t seem to get his mind around was the absence of a commodity basis for currency. It is hard to think that the money in the bank isn’t based on a pile of gold in a government vault somewhere; But is based rather upon the collateral that bank is financing. Many will note that overvalued collateral caused the collapse in 2008. Still, when a bank finances a new home, car, or factory the wealth of the bank has been increased by (not gold) but by a new home, car, or factory. What the system needs is an honest assessment of asset values – Remember Enron’s “mark to market” accounting – which may point to the need for more, not less regulation.
12. A related topic is when government creates money through obligational authority. Government expenditures are paid by the Treasury through book entries much as any business would do. When the government pays to create a road, build a warship, educate a child, create a vaccine, predict a storm, or many of the other non-exclusionary things that government pays for, note that the government has created more national wealth, without putting more gold in a vault.
1. Is a good introductory history. If you are serious about “money” do not let this be the last book you read. But if you are serious about money, this book is a fun easy read.
2. Most of the book traces a path that is familiar to economic historians. I did like some of the details he provided about things like Croesus, who minted the first coinage, and Arab traders in China, who deposited their gold in return for official receipts that functioned like bearer notes.
3. He might have expanded his treatment of renaissance banking and the emergence of fractional reserve banking considering the interrelationship of money to banking and banking to debt.
4. His chapter on the Spanish gold based inflation might have served as a cautionary tale for those enamored of a commodity based currency or bullionism.
5. His tales of the hyperinflation caused by irresponsible government printing of currency is an often told story. (In contrast the US mint sells currency to banks.)
6. I wish he had spent more space on Bretton Woods, considering the role that it plays in money today.
7. I would recommend his chapter on the “Cash Ghetto” to anyone, regardless of their interest in economics who is concerned about poverty.
8. Weatherford devotes the end of the book to “Electronic Money” where he observes that, “Rather than being the means for the market, money has become the market.” (page 290)
9. It was amusing to read, “The proponents of the so-called smart card hope that it will replace many of the routine cash payments that people make every day.” (page 238) Since the book was written in 1997, I wonder what Weatherford would say today.
10. I would like to have seen his treatment of the financial meltdown in 2008.
11. One thing that Weatherford can’t seem to get his mind around was the absence of a commodity basis for currency. It is hard to think that the money in the bank isn’t based on a pile of gold in a government vault somewhere; But is based rather upon the collateral that bank is financing. Many will note that overvalued collateral caused the collapse in 2008. Still, when a bank finances a new home, car, or factory the wealth of the bank has been increased by (not gold) but by a new home, car, or factory. What the system needs is an honest assessment of asset values – Remember Enron’s “mark to market” accounting – which may point to the need for more, not less regulation.
12. A related topic is when government creates money through obligational authority. Government expenditures are paid by the Treasury through book entries much as any business would do. When the government pays to create a road, build a warship, educate a child, create a vaccine, predict a storm, or many of the other non-exclusionary things that government pays for, note that the government has created more national wealth, without putting more gold in a vault.

marcos jose chiquetto
5つ星のうち4.0
Update required
2020年8月14日にブラジルでレビュー済みAmazonで購入
The book is very good. Unfortunately it stops in the 90's. Very much change occurred since then in the area. An update would be required in order to make it really useful today.

Mr. PG
5つ星のうち5.0
Loved it; one of the few books I'll re-read.
2018年4月29日にカナダでレビュー済みAmazonで購入
I practically NEVER give anything or anyone the maximum or the minimum - I figure max and min are there to never use (what do we use when we find something better or worse)? But Weatherford's The History of Money rates the max.
This book is about money; not economics, fiscal policy, or whatever, although they creep in a bit (but in a way that makes sense of them). I've read Galbraith's Money (damned good) but Weatherford brings the subject down the average, common sense level (i.e. you and me).
Weatherford engagingly describes the myriad variations and forms that money has taken over 3000 years (and still does) but shows over and over the commonality throughout, inflation being the obvious example. And he does a masterful job of explaining - again in clearly understandable terms - how government policy, spinelessness, irresponsibility, or simple self-interest have profoundly affected economies through money control and manipulation.
I very rarely read a book twice, but I will almost certainly re-read this one.
Oh, one more thing. Even though he wrote in 1997, Weatherford predicts Bitcoins and cyber money almost perfectly. The man is a seer.
One regret: he wrote in 1997 - I really, really wish he'd write a follow-up after the 2008 crash and ascent of cyber money.
Loved the book.
This book is about money; not economics, fiscal policy, or whatever, although they creep in a bit (but in a way that makes sense of them). I've read Galbraith's Money (damned good) but Weatherford brings the subject down the average, common sense level (i.e. you and me).
Weatherford engagingly describes the myriad variations and forms that money has taken over 3000 years (and still does) but shows over and over the commonality throughout, inflation being the obvious example. And he does a masterful job of explaining - again in clearly understandable terms - how government policy, spinelessness, irresponsibility, or simple self-interest have profoundly affected economies through money control and manipulation.
I very rarely read a book twice, but I will almost certainly re-read this one.
Oh, one more thing. Even though he wrote in 1997, Weatherford predicts Bitcoins and cyber money almost perfectly. The man is a seer.
One regret: he wrote in 1997 - I really, really wish he'd write a follow-up after the 2008 crash and ascent of cyber money.
Loved the book.

Manfred Auer
5つ星のうち5.0
Very good book on the history of money
2019年12月25日にドイツでレビュー済みAmazonで購入
One of the best books about the real history on money and everyone should read it, especially economists.